April 24, 1829
W. H. Wharton
Dr. Sir, Relying on what you told me at the mill that you would
call and see me before you left I expected you. You ought to have
called. You and myself are almost strangers, our personal
intercourse has scarcely been sufficient to enable us mutually to estimate
each other properly. I have a very decided friendship for all Col G.
[Groce's friends?] I have full confidence in League and he assures
me that W. H. W. is all that a man of honor and a firm and stedfast
friend ought to be. My own disposition is frank open and confiding.
But the experience of the last six years in settling this wilderness
and the unfavorable light in which human nature has been so often
presented to me, has greatly weakened my genl confidence in
mankind, it has however had the effect to make me cling the closer to the
few who are really and substantially men. I now write under the
conviction that you are of this class and shall therefore throw aside
ceremony or reserve. I wish to see you permanently locate here.
All that is now wanting in Texas is a few more men in this colony,
not open mouthed politicians, nor selfish visionary speculators, nor
jealous ambitious declamatory demegogues who will irritate the
public mind by inflamitory criticisms about temporary evils and by
indulging in vague surmises. We need men of enlightened judgment,
disinterested prudence, and reflection, with a great stock of patience,
unshaken perse verence and integrity of purpose. Men who will
calmly put their shoulders to the wheel and toil for the good of
others as well as for their own, and who will be contented to rise
with the country without aimin[g] to force it forward
prematurely to overtop the genl level of prosperity by undue individual
advancement. A band of such men firmly linked together by the
bonds of mutual confidence and unity of purpose and action could
and would make Texas the garden of North America. You know
enough of the population here to be convinced that we lack men of
this class I have in this respect stood almost alone. The fate of
this colony has so far rested pretty much upon my own resources,
my own exertions and management. Councellors I have never had.
When I began the whole country was a wilderness wholly destitute
of resources, the Govt unsettled, the Mexicans genly very much
prejudiced against North Amn emigration and public opinion in the
United States most decidedly unfavorable both as to the real value
of the country, the character of the Mexican Govt and even as to the
practicability of succeeding in forming any other kind of
settlement here, than a nest of fugitives. Such were the prospects under
which I commenced. They were so discouraging that all my friends
united in trying to persuade me by argument and ridicule and by
every other means to abandon the project.
I myself believed that the probabilities of failure or success were
almost equal, but I deemed the object worthy of the risk and I had
confidence in myself. I foresaw that I must enlist myself as a kind
of slave for years, that I must chain down all the impulses of a
temperament naturally hasty and impetuous and sensitive to a fault;
that I must patiently submit to toil injury and abuse and slander
and misconstruction, sometimes bending and yielding to a degree
that laid me liable to the imputation of weakness and at others
resorting to measures that appeared arbitrary, or partial or whimsical;
but to say all in a few words I had an ignorant, whimsical selfish and
suspicious set of rulers over me to keep good natured, a perplexed
and confused colonization law to execute, and an unruly set of North
American frontier republicans to controul who felt that they were
sovereigns, for they knew that they were beyond the reach of the
arm of Govt or of law, unless it pleased them to be contrould. To
have been universally popular amongst the settlers for the first two
or three years would have endangered all, for it would have excited
vague jealousies in the point (?) alone that I was conciliating
popular favor in order to wield it in a particular way. To have been
universally unpopular endangered all in another way, for it would have
totally destroyed that degree of popular confidence and character
abroad which was necessary to draw emigration and it would also
have deprived me of the power of controuling the settlers sufficiently
to have prevented them from destroying themselves. I could not
stoop to associate with the low drunkards and rabble and would not
do it under any circumstances but very extreme ones. The reflecting
and worthy part of the settlers have always adhered to me firmly
throughout. The former class abused me over their grog and at
times have had weight enough to require humoring and
management to keep within bounds, but they effectually removed all
suspicion that I was courting the favor of a rabble for the purpose of
wielding it and in this they did me and the colony a service though
without knowing or intending it and I used their abuse of me to
advance the public good and establish myself more firmly in the
confidence of my rulers. Added to all this I was poor, destitute of
capital, and never was there an enterprise in which money was more
necessary than in this one, I involved myself in pecuniary
embarrassments to raise funds at the outset, but they were in no degree
sufficient, and the good of the settlers—in fact the salvation of the
whole enterprise—compelled me to raise something out of the
settlers themselves. This drew down upon me the imputation of being
a speculator and curses and abuse followed. I did not suffer it to
turn me aside from my duty to the settlers. I used what I recd for
the general good and am still as poor as ever except in land.
There were but few men of capital in the country and they were
of a cast of intellect better qualified for cent pr cent calculations
of present profit than for liberal and enlarged views for the future.
All were greedy to sow largely under the expectation of reaping
1000 fold in a few years, but none were willing to contribute
anything for the seed. It was considered that I must furnish all and
do all and risk all. Thus it is that I had Scylla or Charybdis
constantly in view for the first three or four years of my labor, and I
have actually labored hard and dreadfully to build up the fortunes
of men, many of whom were heaping abuse upon me. I have no
ambition of a political military or avaricious character. My
ambition has been to succeed in redeeming Texas from its wilderness
state by means of the plough alone, in spreading over it North
American population enterprise and intelligence, in doing this I
hoped to make the fortune of thousands and my own amongst the
rest. My success so far has fully equalled my expectation, and I
think that I derived more satisfaction from the view of flourishing
farms springing up in this wilderness than military or political
chieftains do from the retrospect of their victorious campains. My
ambition is to build up, for the present as well as for future
generations, to do it silently without ostentation or display. I deemed the
object laudable and honorable and worthy the attention of honorable
men. The country is now sufficiently advanced to offer inducements
for emigrants of capital to flock to it. The allusions I have made as
to the difficulties which have been surmounted added to your own
observations while here, will enable you to form a pretty accurate
estimate for the future and I think you will agree with me that we
are leaving both Scylla and Charybdis far astern and that there is
nothing but plain sailing ahead.
As I before said all we need is men of intelligence and capital who
can harmonize with each other, and a plenty of them, the more the
better. Should such men in reply to your arguments in favor of
their removal here say that they cannot bring their slaves, you may
safely tell them that they can bring them without any fears of being
troubled (?). The men now in power in this state wish to tolerate
slavery, and whether they wish it or not if Texas firmly and
decidedly and prudently wills it so it will be for the voice of Texas
will not be disregarded. Should they say that our laws and
constitution are defective, tell them that both can be amended and that the
people of Texas if united can and will amend them. Should they say
that Mexico is in a state of revolution and its Govt crumbling to
pieces, tell them that we are 1000 miles from the seat of revolution
and separated from any adjoining state by an uninhabited and
almost uninhabitable wilderness of 200 miles and that all the
adjoining states are thinly populated poor and nearly destitute of resources.
Should they object to living under the Mexican Govt tell them that
they will find it to be to their interests to be inhabitants of Texas as
Mexican citizens. The policy of this Govt to emigrants is liberal
beyond parallel. An immence coasting trade is open round the Gulf
of Mexico and to the West Indians, and Europe will turn with joy
and avidity from the " tarriffed cotton " of the U. S. to the fine long
staple of Texas. The subject of the cotton trade has been laid before
the national executive through various channels and the secretary
of state has informed me in reply to a communication I made on the
subject last fall that the President would at a proper time call the
attention of Congress particularly to it. He has already
recommended a reduction of the tariff.
You can also tell him that the Genl land Comr will shortly be
here to distribute land and issue titles, and that this fall is the
great seed time. If they come in then they will most surely reap a
bountiful harvest hereafter, but they must come "bag and baggage "
wives children and "plunder" for an actual removal is necessary to
get a title. A great part of the coast of Texas will be open for
settlement this summer and fall, including the shores of the fine
bays of Galveston and Matagorda and also the whole country up
to the San Antonio road in this and De Witt's colony. Now then is
the time. Let there be a strong population of North Americans
here, with a sufficient number of talented and virtuous and prudent
men to direct them and who would oppress us? Mexico? She
lacks both the power and the inclination for it would be her interest
to bind us to her. Spain ? She cannot. England dare not for war
with the U. S. would of course be the result of the occupancy of
Texas by that power and the same applies to France. What then
have emigrants to Texas to fear? If they harmonize with
themselves and are prudent they have nothing to fear and they have
everything that man desires to hope for and expect. Look back
at the prospects when I commenced. What were they in
comparison with the prospects now ? My standing with this Govt and with
the people of Texas generally is now established I think on a firm
basis and I could do much to benefit Texas if there was a sufficient
population here of the right kind, and if such a population would
treat me with candor and confidence they could use me very much
to their own advantage for I am not selfish. I will remain firm to
this Govt so long as it stands and will lose my life sooner than
betray in the slightest degree my oath as a citizen. All the
alterations that are needed in our laws I think can be constitutionally
obtained without difficulty.
If the Govt stands and prospers Texas must prosper under it. If
the Govt falls the bonds which bind Texas and Mexico will of course
be severed by that fall, and in this event Texas can either unite
herself to the North under the necessary guarantees from that Govt
or become an independent speck in the galaxy of nations. Europe
will gladly receive our cotton and sugar etc. on advantageous terms
in exchange for " untariffed " manufactured articles. We should be
too contempt able to excite the jealousy of the Northern Mammoth,
and policy and interest would induce Europe to let us alone. I deem
it to be more than probable that the great powers would all unite in
garanteeing the Independence of little Texas, There are many
powerful reasons why it would be to their interest to do it.
Suppose that some 4 or 500 southern men of talents and capital
and high character were to emigrate to Texas in a body next fall,
what can prevent their future prosperity ? I have the legal right to
garantee to them a reception as emigrants in my colony and as such
the law grants them land, The door is legally opened to them and
they are invited to enter and partake of the fortune and prosperity
and happiness which nature has provided with a liberal hand for all
who will now advance and receive them. Such an opportunity never
offered upon earth, never can offer again, and it will be trifling
with fortune to neglect it. But do not misunderstand me as to the
kind of emigrants—ardent inexperienced hot headed youths piping
from college or ignorant self willed "mobish" mountaniers and
frontiersmen who " hold to Lynch laws' and damning those who are
in office merely because they are in office, would totally ruin us
forever. We need that class of emigrants who deserve the appelation
of southern Gentlemen, whose fortunes are independent but not
overgrown, whose judgment has been enlightened by education and
matured by experience, and who have families to keep the
intemperate wild ambitious passions of the human heart within the circle of
prudence. I would fearlessly pledge my head that an emigration of
400 such men next fall to Texas would permanently ensure the
prosperity of this country and the happiness of its inhabitants.
I have expressed myself to you with more freedom and frankness
than is usual with me on subjects of this kind. It is not every man
whose mind is capable of embracing the past the present and the
future and I have never sought celebrity by trying to confound the
ignorant by matters which they could not comprehend. It is my
request that this letter should be confidential and that it should not
by any means be published. I cannot but think that if proper
exertions were made a large company of Southern Gentlemen from
C. G. A. and T. [Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Tennessee?]
might be made up to emigrate here next fall. I am too poor in
money to make the trip or I would have gone on with you. I wished
to see you on this subject and regret that you did not call.
[Stephen F. Austin.]