Stephen F Austin to Horatio Chriesman, 06-19-1832
Summary: Advice for keeping Texas out of trouble.
[From Williams Papers, Rosenberg Library, Galveston, Tex.]
Matamoros
Dr Sir.
[I] arrived here a few days since, [and] as I must [be] in Saltillo
by the
I am happy to hear that harmony prevails [among the people and that pros]pects of crops are good
The [political disturb?]ances in Mexico will I think end very
favorably for the [cause] of liberty, and there is well founded cause
io expect a republican administration after the next election. I
[believe] the next President will [not] be a [militar]y man—in fact
the power [of the mili]tary is dayly becoming more [weak? I] mean
its moral power. All [the bes]t men of the nation are becoming
[convinced] that there can never be harmony nor liberty, nor even
a republican government] untill the military authority is subjected
to the civil authority, and the army reduced. [I] believe this to be
one of the main objects of what is called the Santana Party—that
party will certainly get into power, and [if] there was only [a
Th]omas Jefferson Am[erican?] to place at the helm, Mexico
would be free and its republican institutions established on a solid
basis—but where is such a man to be found—[certainly?] not in thisright political
creed and sufficiently balanced, [of] honest and disinterested
patriotism, [all would] go on well. We must however [hope for] the
best. I think it very probable [that] Garcia Governor of Zacatecas,
[will be] the president—if so he will pu * * * Juan Dios
Ca[ñe]do[?] and make him secretary of state, decidedly the best
one that [could] be selected.
I fear that not much harmony has or will exist between the
military and civil authorities of Anahuac untill the new [state of ]
things places the power where it ought to be in all republics,
subordinate] to the latter. However I hope that nothing of a serious
nature will occur. The course which ought to be pursued is a
very plain one, and [a very sim]ple one, it is this— Every outrage,
disorder arbitrary or illegal act of the military ought to be reported
officially [with the evidence to the?] Chief of department—those
who are [misused?] ought to go before the nearest alcalde, or any
alcalde [the one of the municipality of Austin would be the best]
and make a [clear] and full declaration in [writing?] under oath
and * * * sustained?] by witnesses—this declara[tion an]d all
the proceedings ought [to be re]corded in the judicial records [and
co]pies sent to the Chief of Depart[ment] and redress ought to
be asked but in the most respectfull manner. All acts of violence
ought to be avoided and put down or stoped. But should [acts]
occur of so flagrant a nature that public indignation could not be
restrained, a thing which my knowledge of military opperations
generally in Texas c[auses me] to fe[ar ma]y happen, great ca[re]
must be taken not to do or say anything against the Govt, take
gre[at] care and use great prudence on th[is] point. If any public
act, or publication is made, head it with " Fidelity and [obedience to
the laws and] the Constitution a[nd nation, or so]mething of that
kind.
Let all your acts if any are made, begin with an article that in
express terms declares the fidelity and rigid adherance of the people
to Mexico, to the State, to the Constitution and System of
Government now adopted etc—then go on to shew [what] particular
outrages had be[en com]mitted state what they are by [acts?] committed
and all the facts—[shew] that legal redress had been [requested?]
in [vain?]—the laws were no longer respected—the guarantees of
the Constitution no longer any safe guard and for these reasons, and
not [through] disaffection to the government violence had [be]enpersonal
f]eelings or animosity of a personal nature against any one—let
all be mild, decorous and respectful but clear and firm—in short
let it be a plain, open and unvarnished statement of facts. Also
anything of the kind that is done and all the facts ought to [be]
published] in Spanish and english and more especially in Spanish
and sent to all the free and liberal papers in the nation, and to the
government. Also if any official complaints are made to the
government they ought to be published in Spanish and English—
[if th]is course be adopted you will at once see the great importance
of having all such publications drawn up in pure and decorous
language and in handsome stile—this is all important—for such
papers [do not appoint a] com[mittee of] persons who have [not]
a correct grammatical knowledge of the English language, or whose
stile is inflated or bombastic or loaded with obscenities or a
superabundance of useless words etc [it] would [be * * *] exposing
the colony to ridicule [every] where—this is in fact all [import]ant—
under that view of the matter I hope no one will take it amiss if
I recommend you to call in the aid of P. W. Grayson, Doctor
Archer, T. J. Chambers, and Mr. Alexander Greaves. Also Father
Muldoon—the three last for the Spanish language in particular, and
Mr. Greaves most particularly, f[or I know] that his knowledge of
the Spanish is better than any mans in Texas—he is an elderly, a
silent, and a calm and prudent man.
You will of course perceive that all I have said on this subject is
predicated on the fear, that cireumstances may drive some of the
people on Trinity to desperation—if so and the cause is just, the
sympathies of the colony will be enlisted—it cannot be [prevented]
and indeed I believe it ought not to be, for all outrages against law,
justice and good morals are attacks upon the whole community,
however low or * * * the individual may be who is personally
assailed.
There is one point which must be kept in view, which is that by
the constitution and laws [of the nation] and of the [sta]te the
military are not subject to the judicial power; they are a privileged
order, and cannot be tryed by a civil judge for any offense—a most
infamous and unrepublican principle,—but [allowed by?]
constitution and law, and as such must be sacredly respected—[an] alcalde,
or judge, cannot punish a soldier—keep this in view—take care and
have all the law as well as all the justice on your side, for you see that
under this military system what is law is sometimes very far from
being justice—the rule which I have given to the [state?] and gen-will not tamely
submit [to] illegal outrages—also they consider an in[vasi]on of the
constitutional rights of one man, as an attack [on the] whole
community.
If I know the people of Texas, as I think I do, I am confident that they will prove by their acts and declarations the above is correctly applied to them and especially the first clause of it.
My own individual motto has always been adherence and fidelity
to Mexico. Under the influence and guidance of [this] motto I
have been enabled to [succeed] in securing to the settlers of my
col[ony] all the benefits they [have] obtained [as far as?] I have
had an agency in procuring them, and I will here, as I have often
before, recommend it as [the] standing motto of the colonies, and
[a]s a general and standing popular toast—[It would?] tend to
remove the unj[ust prejudices an]d suspicions which m[any] good
men among the Mexicans have had, and will thus pave the way for
our permanent prosperity, by the removal of restrictions—Also it
will have a good effect at home, as a [poi]nter, a rallying point, a
point d'appuit for p[ubli]c opinion, which is all important in any
community, to produce union and unity of action and of purpose
and besides all this, it is required of us by our oaths as Mexican
citizens.
Another of my fixed rules of action as to Texas generally is that
with respect to her rights she must always act on the defensive and
never on the offensive.
In think [now?] that there was a [strong?]
determination to break up the * * * [of] American settlers, and that
any plausible pretext would be taken hold of to march an army
into that [coun]try. I formed this opinion from t[he a]cts of the
Govt, and * * * since * * * and * * * [line totally
gone] * * * [circum] stances which occurred in the * * *
department in must have been supposed that it [would cause?]
difficulty. The nation was then at peace its phisical f[orce the]n was
not para[ly] sed by internal wars, nor by the fear of external
invation and the whole power of the republic would have been brought
to bear upon Texas. Al[so a]t that time the press [of] Mexico
was muzzled. There was no liberal party, no opposition to raise
its voice in favor of justice, and the prejudices of the mass of the
people were against all foreigners—we should have appealed to
justice in vain.
I believed we would be attacked. [I] have since been most
positively assured that there was no such intention—be it so but that
does not change the mat[ter] as to us in Texas—situated as we then
were for anyone who had an eye to p[erceive?] ever [woul]d believe
that there w[as no such?] intention. In this state of things,
[situated as I was with reference to the colony and to public opinion both
at home and abroad so far as anything was [know]n of me, it was
my duty to prepare for the general defense. So far as I c[oul]d,
I acted [on this principle?] until th[e arrival of the] mail which
came in at that time brought the news of [Sant]anas affair at Vera
Cruz. I also had some other information of a peculiar nature which
had its influence with me. I [be]came convinced that Texas could
not be attacked by the Govt, for the want of [phy]sical force to do
it, and also because the influence of liberal principles was gaining
ground too fast in Mexico, to give the administration any time to
work an unjust attack upon anyone. So soon as I was [convince]d
of this, the necessity for preparations [at on]ce ceased, and then
agreeably [to the] rule before stated all further [preparations
would have been impro[per im] politic and even highly [immor?]al
for we ought not in any case to [act o]n the offensive. B[ut] much
had [bee]n said—something had been done—and much had been
written— to [un]say, undo, and unwrite all this was awkward and
embarrassing, for at a superficial view it looked like inconsistency
*** I did not [hesitate to set?] to work undoing*** inmemorial as much with a view to allay public
feeling by giving something for hope and expectation to feed upon, as
for any other cause. I mean the memorial as it was finally adopted
and not as it was at first [contemplated.
Thus things have turned out—we adopted a very wise course—I believe the best that could have been taken under the peculiarly difficult circumstances and doubts in which we were placed. If Texas will now keep quiet, and so [try to?] convince all that the people do not [want to] seperate but are truly firm adhe[rents to] the constitution and to the inte[grity of] the Mexican territory all w[ill turn] out right and that country w[ill] be a [flour]ishing state of the Mexi[can] confederation and a firm [and] efficient supporter of Mexican [li]berty and of its national rights. This is the station I wish to see that country occupy and the one which I have no doubt it will occupy.
This [letter is for the in] formation of the Colony generally but not for [publi] cation—su[ffer n]one of it to g[et] into the newspaper, for altho it contains nothing which I have not said either in writing or verbally to th[e la]st to the state and National govt I have no desire to be figuring in the newspaper.
[I] have heretofore informed you [that I] would not consent to be a candidate for reelection to the legislature. I now again say the same and wish that this fact be stated in the newspaper for the information of all.
[Pres]ent my respects to Mrs. Chrisman [and to] each of the
members of the Ayunto, [and to] all others. Write me fully to
Saltillo [how you] are getting on.
[I saw] Genl. Teran the
May heaven [bless you] all and the Colony is the sincere prair of your friend and Humble Sert
S. F. Austin [Rubric]